Practice of Medicine in Ancient India: History, Methods, and Contributions.

 

Practice of Medicine in Ancient India: History, Methods, and Contributions. 

By Dr kanjiv lochan.

The classical texts refer to eight divisions of Ayurveda: Internal Medicine (Kaya Chikitsa), Paediatrics (Bala Chikitsa), Psychological Medicine (Graha Chikitsa), Minor Surgery (Shalakya Tantra), Surgery (Shalya Tantra), Toxicology (Agad Tantra), Geriatrics (Rasayana Tantra), and Science of Aphrodisiacs (Vajikarana) (Charaka Samhita 1.30.31; Sushruta Samhita 1.1.7; Ashtanga Hridya 1.1.5). Besides these branches, Ayurveda employed certain other methodologies like fire-based treatment (Sushruta Samhita 1.12.9) and a horticultural science of medicine (Vriksha Ayurveda) (Arthashastra 2.24.1; Brihat Samhita 55.1-15; Mahabharata 12.184.14).

However, these divisions seem to be more theoretical and no physician is discovered practising medicine according to these distinctions. There was no expert in the sense that every physician laid his hands on all types of diseases and injuries. And as ancient Greek traveller Arrian observed the snake-bite curers were also skilled in curing other ailments (McCrindle 1876:223). The only specialization apart from common medicine and surgery, was the branch of veterinary science. That its practitioners formed a separate craft group is sufficiently evidenced through the Ashokan epigraph at Girnar referring to it (pasu-chikita) (Rock Edict 2) and countless notes of doctors of elephant (Jatakas 140.1.485; Arthashastra 2.32.18), horses (ib. 2.30.43; Mahabharata 4.12.7), and cows (ib. 4.10.13). At a few places, one also comes across specialists in toxicology (Arthashastra 4.3.35; Saundarananda 5.31; Jatakas 506.4.457).

Specialist paediatrics are, however, mentioned by Kalidasa (Raghuvamsha 3.12).

Along with the general physicians, there was a second level in the profession of medicine. The most important in this line were the paricharakas (nurses). The nurses generally included males (Charaka Samhita 1.15.6; Sushruta Samhita 1.34.24). Examples of females in nursing are rare (Sushruta Samhita 3.10.7; Arthashastra 2.23.2; 3.13.9; Mahabharata 7.9.2). Ideally they were to be cool-headed and pleasant in their demeanour, strong and attentive to the requirements of the sick, and strictly indefatigable followers of the instructions of the physician (Sushruta Samhita 1.34.24). A Charaka Samhita passage (1.9.7) may suggest that they underwent a short training course in nursing before joining the profession. Apart from extending general help, a nurse was also expected to massage the body of the sick in need (ib. 6.24.186).

Besides the paricharakas, there were also groups of professionals called matrikas (Arthashastra 2.27.5), the dasis (ib. 3.20.17) and the dhatris (Raghuvamsha 3.25; Kumarasambhvam 7.25). The matrikas appear to have belonged to a very low status because they were mostly the aged prostitutes or courtesans. The dasis were engaged generally in maternity services (Acharanga Sutta 2.15.13) as well as in conducting abortions (Yagyavalkya Smriti 2.236). The status of the dhartris seems a little higher. They have been shown as caring to the new-born. At one place, their position has been equalled to none other than the real mother herself (ib. 3.82). Different passages describing these three types of craftpersons in the Arthashastra indicate that in social terms they equalled the rank of domestic servants only.

The staff of an aturalaya i.e. 'the house of sick' included, besides the nurses, the drug compounders, musicians, singers and cooks (Charaka Samhita 1.15.6). The presence of musicians and singers on the staff of a vaidya suggests that the ancient Indian doctor was much more thoroughly concerned and involved in the overall recuperation of his patients than his modern counterparts. Possibly indicative of the tribal origin, this music system must have given a benign touch to the process of treatment which is sadly lacking in modern medicine.

In paramedical side, professionals related to the sale of medicine have been noted in the ancient text Ramayana (2.77.14). Similarly, certain blacksmiths allegedly specialized in manufacturing surgical tools (Sushruta Samhita 1.8.19).

For a physician, it was essential to obtain licence from the state before entering into medical practice (ib. 1.10.3). The Charaka Text (1.29.8) ascribes the existence of imposters among the vaidyas to the corruption in the state-machinery. Sushruta Samhita (1.3.52) suggests severe punishments to check such 'messengers of death on earth'. In addition, the new entrant to the profession of vaidya was to ensure that he possessed four essential qualities: (i) clear grasp of theoretical contents of Ayurveda, (ii) a wide range of experience and (iii) practical skill and (iv) cleanliness (Charaka Samhita 1.9.5). According to Sushruta Samhita (1.10.2) 'a physician should be cleanly in habits. He should walk about with a mild and benign look as a friend of all created beings, readily available to help all, and frank and friendly in his talk'. The following sermon given by the teacher to the senior students commencing their practice may project the ideal image of a vaidya in ancient India:

"Thou shalt renounce lust, anger, greed, ignorance, vanity, egotistic feelings, envy, harshness, falsehood, idleness, and all acts that soil the good name of a man.... Thou shalt help with thy professional skill and knowledge the brahmanas, elders, preceptors and friends, the indigent, the honest, the anchorites, the helpless, the neighbours, the strangers, thy relations and kinsmen, and thou shalt give them medicine, and god will bless thee for that" (Sushruta Samhita 1.2.6).

As to prevent him for the misuse of his office, special emphasis was laid by the Ayurvedic treatises on the controlled relations of a physician with women. Sushruta (1.10.9) forbids the physicians to speak to ladies in private or to joke with them. He was also forbidden to accept anything but cooked rice from the hands of a women. The prescribed dress for a practising doctor also put the vaidya on a pedestal equal to the saintly figures of the society. He was to put on cloth dyed brownish yellow (Sushruta Samhita 1.2.6) or white (ib. 1.10.3). In shape of the dress code of a physician, this ancient tradition has survived till date both in oriental and occidental societies.

It seems that the vaidya enjoyed considerable independence in his treatment of the sick and law-codes lay down that one should never have dispute with physicians (Manu. 4.179; Yagyavalkya. 1.158). The ideal physician was able to instill such confidence in his patients that they trusted him as fully as they trusted their parents and kinfolks, and cared for them as he could care for his own sons (Charaka Samhita 6.1.55; Sushruta Samhita 1.25.44).

As per the classical texts, it was favourable if the class and caste of both the physician and sick were similar. It was also suggested that a physician must obtain permission of the wife and friends of the sick before pursuing cases which were difficult to cure and could be fatal ones (Charaka Samhita 6.13.175). The vaidya approached the sick by examining his eyes, nose, ears, lips, skin and through verbal discussion (Sushruta Samhita 1.10.4).

Some passages in the Jatakas (495.4.361) describe the physicians moving around in search of patients carrying sacks upon their backs, root-filled and fastened tight. The story of Jivaka in Mahavagga (8.2) also describes the famous physician walking through the streets of Saketa city and calling "who is ill here? Whom shall I cure?" The wandering physicians are also traceable in the Shatapatha Brahmana (4.1.5.8). Megasthenes reports that physicians were sent to the home of sick for treating (McCrindle 1876:42). According to the Arthashastra (2.36.38), the physicians were permitted to move around in night, a privilege denied to the common public.

Full-fledged hospitals are also described in the Charaka Samhita (1.15.6). The chapter on town-planning in the Arthashastra (2.4.14) suggests the establishment of "a house of medicine" (bhaishjyagriham). The Shilapadikaram (p.19), a major source of Sangam age Tamil society refers to a "street of physicians" in the city of Puhar. Existence of permanent clinics is also attested by the travelogue of the Chinese pilgrim Fa-hien (p.79) as well as certain epigraphic references pertaining to the early medieval Chola kingdom (Epigraphia Indica, Vol.1.21.38). The Kamasutra (5.2.6), an early Gupta work on art of love, includes the clinics of physicians among the convenient trysting places for lovers.

A physician is described as having a store room filled with drugs, medicinal stuffs and medical equipments (Sushruta Samhita 1.36.20; Mahabharata 12.331.31). With the aid of his assistant he produced his own drugs from herbs and other ingredients which he often collected himself (Ramayana 3.63.14). These were likely to be more efficacious than those obtained indirectly, for he could be sure that they were unadulterated and were collected at auspicious times, with the utterance of the prescribed mantras (Sushruta Samhita 1.34.22; Charaka Samhita 6.23.93; Bower Mss. 2.29.0). In addition, there are also references to the professional production of medical materials (Arthashastra 2.22.7; 5.2.14).

As per the description of the Greek ambassador Megasthenes, the physicians in ancient India effected cures rather by regulating diet than by use of medicines. The remedies most esteemed, according to him, were ointments and plasters (McCrindle 1876:102). If his statements are to be accepted, the ancient Indian physicians were also engaged in forecasting droughts, wet weather and diseases (ib. 39). By their knowledge of pharmacy they could also make marriages fruitful and even determine the sex of the offsprings (ib. 102).

It has been reported Ithat some physicians misused their art and deliberately harmed patients (Jatakas 540.6.74). Normally, a physician was to remain alert in his practice since treating patients incorrectly could attract severe fines (Manu Smriti 9.284; Yagyavalkya Smriti 2.242). A doctor could be taken to task if found guilty of extending medical aid to the state-offenders (Arthashastra 2.36.10; 4.1.56).

The practice of Ayurveda proved a handsome livelihood as suggested by the Sushruta Text (1.1.27). Medicine has been shown as being practised for monetary benefits as early as in the Brahmana period (Aitareya Brahmana 5.5.9; Shatapatha Brahmana 12.7.1.11). The common traditional healers who met the need of the people might have been accepting minor fees for their services (see Roy 1928: 72), but the professionally trained vaidyas used to receive handsome remunerations from their clients as revealed from the case of Jivaka the physician who reportedly owned an immense wealth. To some extent the costlier fee of the vaidyas was justified because unlike the traditional healers they practised medicine on a full time basis.

The services of a vaidya apparently included both consultation and distribution of medicine. Thus it was not possible for him to continue his service without any remuneration. The medicinal herbs were collected from nearby forests or the like by the physician himself. Sometimes he bought them for money from the farmers who grew them and paid tax to the state for their sale (Arthashastra 5.2.14). A portion of the income of the vaidyas, particularly those specializing in surgery, was also spent in buying essentials from the market. Therefore, non-payment to a vaidya was criticized (Jatakas 540.6.74; Charaka Samhita 6.1.54). And we have a few examples of free medical attendance in ancient India like one in the Kamanita Jataka (228.2.213). Moreover, at one place, even the Buddhist monks are reported to have accepted remuneration for their medical service (Jatakas 179.2.82).

Payment to the physicians was made both in cash and kind as reflected in the story of Jivaka (Mahavagga 8.1) and in the code of Manu (8.287). Some of the physicians must have been pretty rich. There are references to suggest that some of them charged fee only for calling on the indisposed (Jatakas 467.4.171). Besides the individual practitioners, there were physicians in the salaried service of the state. They were both the general vaidyas (Ramayana 2.10.8) and those required specially in the battle-field (Mahabharata 5.152.12; Arthashastra 5.3.12).

An idea of the fees of the vaidyas as well as of the cost of standard medical services in ancient India may be formed through the Mauryan text, Arthashastra. This text, while

prescribing salaries of different court-officials and the government staff, fixes the annual pay of the state-physician at 2,000 panas (Arthashastra 5.3.12). Thanks to the painstaking effort by Auboyer (1965:112) one is able to know the value of this coin which is described as below:

50 panas annual cost of living for an individual of the higher class

24 panas-price of a horse

12 panas - price of an ox

1 pana-400 lbs. of grain/seven gallons of oil

1/2 pana-weekly expenditure of a workman.

Thus, the monetary position of state physicians was quite satisfactory. It may, however, be supposed that their regular income was more than that of those who were not employed by the state. Besides the general state-physicians, there used to be the royal physician in the court. Though he did not enjoy power and prestige at par with the royal priests, he, nevertheless, received great honours (Arthashastra 2.1.7; Mahabharata 6.120.57). The vaidya of the court of the Satavahanas during the early Christian centuries was opulent enough to donate rich gifts to the monks (Pitalkhora Chaitya inscription, see Gupta 1978:218).

There is sufficient evidence to show that the ancient counterpart of the modern doctors in India were also men of status and power. In India, the earliest notice of medicine as prideful occupation comes in the Rigveda (9.112.3) itself. It was not only due to its profitability but also high prestige accorded to learned physicians that the profession attracted a host of the imposters (Charaka Samhita 1.11.58).

The vaidyas of early India obviously did not form a caste but rather a fraternity of men drawn from various castes and classes. In the Rigveda (10.97.6) a healer is called vipra, a term used for the brahmana (ib. 10.97.22). The Jataka stories refer to brahmana physicians (228.2.213; 495.4.361; 506.4.457). Megasthenes tells that they belonged to the group of sharmanaes i.e. one of the two divisions of the philosophers, the highest of the seven castes of India (McCrindle 1876:101). A large number of brahmanas, particularly those from the Shakadvipi sub-community, are still engaged in the profession of vaidyas in - Bihar. According to an early medieval legend contained in the Samba Purana, the Shakadvipi brahmanas were invited by king Samba of Magadha in Bihar from near Iran (Lochan 81:690) when the latter was ailed by white leprosy. The treatment was successful and the brahmanas subsequently settled in the villages donated by the grateful king. In southern India the Nambudiri brahmanas of Kerala have six divisions, one of them being the vaidyan, a class of physicians (see Basham 1976). Wilson (1870:128) noted that in Punjab province, vaidya formed a branch of the Sarasvata Brahmans. Some of them were also located in Jammu (ib.). In Bengal, the Vaidya caste enjoys a status almost at par with the Brahmins (Basu 1919:318). In addition, numerous references to non-brahman students in medical treatises (Charaka Samhita 1.30.27; Sushruta Samhita 1.2.5) apparently denoted a practical reality. The legendary physician Jivaka himself belonged to a meek circumstance (Mahavagga 8.1). In recent past, some poorer communities specialising in herb-vending and blood-letting were noticed in Maharashtra. They called themselves 'vaidu' (Basu 1919:12; Kosambi 1964:50). Basu (1919:12) found them begging and professionally at verge of extinction due to public apathy towards their expertise. According to him, they were only partly Hinduized and spoke Telugu among themselves. Current directories on the Scheduled Tribes (Singh 1994) and Scheduled Castes (Singh 1993) in India do not take notice of any community named 'Vaidu' or the like.

Here and there, the practising physicians called chikitsakas have been referred to with great disrespect and hatred. They are called cheats in the Manu Smriti (9.259). Another law-code declares medical profession as sinful livelihood (Yagyavalkya Smriti 3.240). The chikitsakas reportedly ranked lowest in social hierarchy (Mahabharata 12.135.11). They were disqualified from common dining by a host of law-givers in ancient India (Apastamba Dharma Sutra 1.18.22; Mahabharata 12.90.14; Manu Smriti 3.152).

Nevertheless, it is difficult to discover examples of contempt shown to the physicians minus the frequent taboos on food-untouchability imposed on them. The motive in looking down on the chikitsaka was because in the course of his duties, he came into contact with blood which was included among the 12 impurities (Manu Smriti 5.135). Manu was full of despise towards the physician only on the account that he was impure and unworthy of common dining. It appears that his code had otherwise no grievance against the physicians' community, which was certainly in the line with the great regard shown to them in the Vedic texts which are so venerated by the law-givers. Besides, most of the commentators of the Charaka Text were brahmanas of religious bent. According to the travelogue of Strabo also the Brachmanes studied physiology (McCrindle 1901:76). If there had been a general hatred towards the medicine and the medical profession among the social hierarchy the brahmana commentators could hardly hide their feeling against them.

Examples of the respectability of physicians are numerous in epics (Ramayana 2.94.51; Mahabharata 1.102.71). The Ramayana (6.79.13) refers to certain Sushena as a respectable physician. Had the practice of healing been associated with any social disregard, the Mahabharata could have never recorded individuals like Krishna (7.75.14), Nakula (4.10.1) and Sahadeva (4.12.7) as practising veterinary healing craft.

The codes of Gautama (1.4.14) and Manu (10.8) mention a community called 'Ambashtha', supposedly descended from brahmana father and vaishya mother, and specially equipped by nature for the art of healing. Ambashthas' association with medical craft is proved through naming of certain herbs after them in the classics of Charaka (6.30.89) as well as Sushruta (1.38.46). Some of the vaidyas of Bengal called themselves Sons of the Ambashtha (Basu 1919: 319). Crook (1896:190) also reported that Ambashthas and vaidyas were identical communities in the region. The late medieval texts like the Brihaddharma Purana (2.10.37) and Skanda Purana (its chapter on Genesis of Vaidyas) suggest that at least sections of the vaidyas were called Ambashtha (see Basu 1919:311). These references also allow one to assume that the Ambashthas were practically associated with medical craft on hereditary basis. Nonetheless, Ambashthas are reported to have been pursuing other professions as well. The Ambattha Sutta of Digha Nikaya supposedly composed in 3rd century BC (Sharma 1990:179) refers to a brahmana religious leader named Ambashtha. In the Mahabharata (7.68.65; 7.132.23) they have been described as a soldiers' class which formed part of the army of both the Kauravas (ib. 7.93.69) and Pandavas (ib. 7.25.50). In the early Bhagavat Purana (10.43.4), Ambashthas are referred as elephant-tamers (Basu 1919:105).

The Prime Minister of the princely state of Travancore Kerala has reported in 1901, that Ambashthas belonged to one of the low castes in the region. While presenting the Census Report of the state, he wrote, 'Ambashthas, in their dresses, ornaments and festivals do not differ from Malayala shudras, of whom according to the Keralotpatti, they form one of the lowest sub-divisions (Aiyer 1901:27). The late medieval work Padma Purana reports Ambashthas as one of the twelve sections of the Kayastha community of scribes which were bom through a deity named Chitragupta (Basu 1919:105) These Ambashthas are today found in central Bihar (also see Gupta 1996: 60). They are regarded as one of the upper castes of the region and are endogamous. However, they are not engaged in practice of medicine on hereditary basis. In remote past, some of the Kayasthas might have indeed been practising medicine as their community-profession, for a middle 7th century AD inscription from Rajasthan records name of a certain Vaidya Giyka who belonged to a Kayastha family (Chattopadhyaya 1994:52).

The chequered profile of the status of Ambashthas through time and space notwithstanding, the community appears to be the most rare example of a social group which could be clearly identified with one of the pre-caste level tribals existing in the sub-continent as early as the post-Vedic period. They occupied one of the districts in the north-west frontiers as ancient grammarian Panini (Ashtadhyayi 8.3.97) reports it. That they were a semi stratified society at the time of the Greek invasion to the region is proved with the fact that the chronicles of Alexander's campaign refer to a 'democratic' tribe named 'Ambastoi' which allegedly was destroyed en masse by the victorious invaders (McCrindle 1896:292), Probably, this led to disintegration of the Ambashthas who were consequently compelled to leave their homeland and to move southward. From the 2nd century BC level, traces of Ambashtha-settlements in Maikal region near Jabalpur, Madhya Pradesh are discovered from literary references pertaining to the community (Roychaudhuri 1972-226). DC Sircar (1967:107) has suggested that the Ambashthas of Bihar have migrated from this very Maikala region. Other groups of the Ambashthas might have migrated to the deep south to come to the notice of Travancore chronicler noted above. Being a large social community 'inferior to none in India either for numbers or for bravery (McCrindle 1896:292), the Ambashthas consisted of a multiple professionals and artisans. Perhaps this accounts for the regional varience of their status in terms of caste-hierarchy.

The next important question is related to the cultural setting of medicine in ancient Indian traditions. Basically, the Ayurvedic notion of a happy life was not exactly to the liking of the austere, ascetic and puritanical law givers. The great stress in the Ayurveda to associate itself with the Atharva Veda (Charaka Samhita 1.30.18; Sushruta Samhita 1.1.6) was also in the nature of a challenge, for this text enjoyed a dubious reputation in the orthodox circles which accepted the existence of only other three Vedas more than often (Aitereya Aranayaka 3.2.3; Mahabharata 12.206.18; Manu Smriti 4.124). Certain scholars (see Chattopadhyaya 1977) observe that the rational base of the Ayurvedic theorists directly hit the ideological attitudes of the hierarchical society. Therefore, the Brahmanical Dharma Shastras tried to dishonour the practice of medicine.

It has been recalled above how the physicians and surgeons were tabooed (Apastamba Dharma Sutra 1.18.22; Mahabharata 12.36.29; Yagyavalkya Smriti 1.162) and debarred from common-dining (Mahabharata 13.23.14; Manu Smriti 2.159). The dichotomy between medical and conservative circles is apparent through features like the latter acknowledging 'leprosy' as caused by sinful activities (Yagyavalkya Smriti 3.215) in contrast to the medical texts which rejected this proposition (Charaka Samhita 2.5.23; Sushruta Samhita 4.9.1 to 72).

However, hosts of other evidences overwhelmingly attest that major currents of ancient Indian social thought were compatible with medical research and practice. For example, the Arthashastra (4.7) definitely had no reservation against post-mortem examination of human body. The brahman author of the text lays provisions so that physicians be endowed with land by the state (Arthashastra 2.1.7). The Yagyavalkya Smriti (1.209) suggests that curing a sick person was a most virtuous job and in particular cases even relieved one from the grave sin of the killing of a brahmana (ib. 3.245).

Certain other external evidences also support this view. It has been observed that the code of Brahma consisted of chapters on medicine (Mahabharata 12.59.71). In addition, the ancient Brahmanical book of law, the Paraskara Grihya Sutra (3.6) contains a chapter on medicine. A later work, Vishnu Purana (4.8.10) has associated the authorship of Ayurveda with lord Vishnu himself.

The mainstream Indian social thought was not necessarily of an other-worldly bent. And even if a dichotomy arose from diverse theories, it was generally adjusted mutually. The respectful reference to opposite theories in the scientific work Aryabhatiyam (2.15) becomes highly significant in this regard. The theory of acclimatization and not any defence-mechanism context could explain employment of religious connotations in pure scientific texts (e.g. Brihat Samhita 1.5; Aryabhatiyam 3.49) as well as of the inclusion of medical chapters in otherwise pure religious scriptures like Paraskara Grihya Sutra (3.6) and Agni Purana (chs. 279-292).

Regardless of the occasional deviations, the discipline of Ayurveda fitted harmoniously with overall Indian cultural setting. The Charaka Text (7.1.14) prescribes for invocation of gods like Brahma, Vayu, Agni and Surya for health and cure. The classic Ayurvedic texts definitely accord great regards to the brahmans (Charaka Samhita 1.8.18; Sushruta Samhita 1.6.22; 1.1.17). The Bower Mss. Part One starts with prayers to gods (1.1.R). Dhanvantari with whom the Ayurvedic treatises associate themselves proudly (Sushruta Samhita 1.1.17) has been regarded as a venerable deity in Brahmanical treatises like Manu Smriti (3.85) and Vishnu Purana (1.9.98). The Charakas are also included among the priests in the Shatapatha Brahmana (4.1.2.19; 6.2.2.1). The traditional approach to the different drugs or aushadhis (literally meaning 'hot herbs') also reflects great sanctity attached to the craft of healing. They are supposed to be of divine quality. The capital of herbs' kingdom was Aushadhiprastha, the native place of Goddess Parvati (Kumara Sambhavam 6.33). At one place, Lord Krishna declares that he himself was the aushadhi (Gita 9.16).

While the theorists of Ayurveda attached enormous importance to keeping the body sound and safe, they were obviously concerned regarding the contentment of the 'soul' (Sushruta Samhita 1.15.48). The physician himself was reportedly keen to attain the four objects of life (ib. 1.1.4; 1.1.27) which included, among others 'moksha' i.e. salvation and constituted an important aspect of Brahmanical philosophy of Purushartha (aim of life). Moreover, most of the qualities required in physicians (ib. 1.10.8) or patients (ib.1.34.21; Charaka Samhita 1.9.8) can be traced to be inspired by similar prerequisites laid down in the case of individuals such as ascetics and their followers. The style of oath to medical pupils, the rituals involved, the austerities required on the part of the student of medicine and the prescribed student-teacher relationship, all are by and large in complete conformity with the mainstream ancient Indian thought and practice.

However, it must be noted that the Ayurvedic vaidyas were not the only specialists to whom Ir.dians could appeal at times of crisis in ancient days. The vaidyas were joined in their procedure by holy men (sadhus), astrologers, priests of the local shrines, to the deities, exorcists and operators of oracles. Depending on the ideological and economic context of the concerned individual as well as on the nature of ailment and its degree of indisposition, a person contacted one or more among these professionals. One could consult all of them as well. One might receive herbal recepies, and/or be advised to regulate his or her diet by a vaidya; request blessings from the holy men for recovery; learn from astrologers reading horoscopes that he or she is in a dangerous planetary period and perhaps have a protective yantra (magical design) drawn up; or receive from an oracle that he or she is the subject of sorcery and be advised of necessary protective and precautionary measures (e.g. see Charaka Samhita 4.8.62 which prescribes simultaneous application of many of these measures). The recent profiles of Indian villages also suggest that the medical beliefs of the commoners consist both of folk and classical elements, and there seems to have been a constant interaction of various cultural forms. Elements of the folk tradition, indigenous customs, local rites and rituals circulated upward to the level of classical medicine while some elements of the classical medicine also circulated downward to become organic part of the folk tradition.

References:

Acharanga Sutra. Ed. Hermann Jacobi, 1884, Sacred Books of East, Vol. 21, Part I. Delhi: MB.

Agni Purana. Ed. Anandasharma ed. 1900, Poona.

Aitareya Aranyaka. Ed. AB Keith, 1969, Oxford: Clarendon.

Aitareya Brhamana. Ed. S. Malaviya, 1986, Varanasi: Tara.

Aiyer, N S 1901: Census Report of Travancore State, Part One, State Publication Deptt.

Apastmba Dharma Sutra. Ed. U. Pandeya, 1969, Varanasi: Chau.

Arthasastra. Ed. RP. Kangle, 1965, Bombay: U of Bombay.

Aryabhatiyam. Ed. B. Mishra, 1966, Patna: BR Society.

Ashtadhyayi. Ed. SC Vasu, 1891, RP, Delhi: MB.

Ashtanga Hridaya. Ed. Y. Upadhyaya, 1970, Varanasi: Chau.

Auboyer, J. 1965: Daily Life in Ancient India, New York: Macmillan.

Basham 1976: 'Practice of Med. in Ancient and Medieval India' in C. Leslie (Ed.) Asian Medical System, Berkeley: UCP.

Basu NN, 1917: Hindi Vishvakosha, Vol. 12, Delhi: RP.

Bhagavata Purana. Ed. Rammurti Sastri, 1989, Varanasi: Sri Pauranik Karyalaya.

Bower Mss. Hoernle, AFR. 1893: The Bower Manuscript, Calcutta: Govt. Press.

Brihat Samhita. Ed. VS. Sastri and MR Bhat, 1947, Bangalore: VBS & Sons.

Charaka Samhita Ed. Shree Gulab Kunverba Ayurvedic Society, 1912, Jamanagar.

Chattopadhyaya, BD 1994: Making of Early Medieval India, Delhi: OUP.

Chattopadhyaya, DP 1977: Science and Society in Ancient India,

Calcutta: Research India Pub.

Chullaka Setthi Jataka in Jatakas. Ed. V. Fausboll, 1877-97, London: Pali Texts Society.

Fa-hien, The Travels of Fa-hien, Ed. Legge, 1886, Delhi: RP.

Gita. Gita Press ed., 1931, Gorakhpur.

Gupta, P.L. 1978: Ancient Rocks of India (in Hindi), 2 vols.

Varanasi: Vishwavidyalaya Prakashan.

Jatakas. Ed. V. Fausboll, 1877-97, London: PTS.

Kamsutra. Nirnayasagar Press ed. 1961, Bombay.

Kosambi, DD. 1964: The Culture and Civilization of Ancient India, Delhi: Vikas Publishing House.

Kumara Sambhavam. Ed. R. Pandey, 1964, Varanasi: Pandit Pustak.

Lochan, A. 1981: 'Ancient Sun Temples, etc.', PIHC.

Mahabharata. Bhandarkar Institute, Pune, 1927-33.

Mahavagga, Ed. D. Sastri, 1998, Varanasi: Baudh Bharati.

Manusmriti. Ed. J.L. Shastri, 1983, Delhi: MB.

McCrindle, JW. 1876: Ancient India (Being a translation of the available fragments of the Indikas of Megasthenes and Arrian), Calcutta: RP.

Panchatantra. Ed. S. Malaviya, 1993, Varanasi: Chau.

Paraskara Grihya Sutra. Ed. by B. Tripathi, 1991, Varanasi: Chau.

Raghuvamsha. Ed. K.M. Pandey, 1965, Varanasi: Pandit Pustak.

Ramayana. Ed. GH. Bhatt & others, 1960, Baroda: Oriental Institute.

Roy, SC 1928: Oraon Religion and Customs, Calcutta: Editions Indian.

Roychaudhuri, HC 1972: Political History of Ancient India, Delhi : MLBD.

Saunderananda. Ed. SN. Chaudhuri, 1980, Delhi: MB.

Shatapatha Brahmana. Ed. GP. Upadhyaya, 1970, Delhi: Research Institute.

Singh, KS 1993: Scheduled Castes, Delhi: OUP.

Singh, KS 1994: Scheduled Tribes, Delhi: OUP.

Sircar, DC 1967: Studies in the Society and Administration of Ancient India, Calcutta: Indian Studies.

Sushruta Samhita. Ed. Ambikadatta Sastri, 1953, Varanasi: Chau,

Vishnu Purana. Ed. M. Gupta, 1952, Gorakhpur: Gita Press.

Yagyavalkya Smriti. Ed. U. Pandeya, 1967, Varanasi: Chau.

Ancient Indian literature mentions very few specialist physicians. A veterinary theorist Shalihotra has been referred to in the early Christian century text the Pancha Tantra (5.71). The famous Buddhist physician referred to elsewhere has been called as Jivaka Kaumarabhritya, i.e. Jivaka the paediatrician (Chullaka Setthi Jataka 4.1.114). But throughout his career which is described copiously in Buddhist literature, he is never found engaged in paediatrics. On the contrary, he is sometimes described as a surgeon (Jatakas 503.4.430; 533.5.333) or general physician (Mahavagga 8.1.8). Probably, this title signified the physician's regard for the prince (kumara) who reportedly brought him up when the former was an orphan kid (ib.). It may be relevant and interesting to note that all the traditional physicians in Buddhist Thailand are called Kaumarabhritya (Sharma 1981: 492).

Practice of Medicine in Ancient India: History, Methods, and Contributions

Ancient Indian Medicine: Healing Practices and Medical Knowledge

The Practice of Medicine in Ancient India: Ayurveda and Early Healthcare

How Medicine Was Practiced in Ancient India: A Complete Guide

Ancient India's Medical System: Origins, Treatments, and Innovations

Medicine in Ancient India: The Legacy of Ayurveda and Traditional Healing

Healthcare in Ancient India: Medical Practices That Shaped History

Ancient Indian Medical Science: Discoveries, Treatments, and Traditions

The Evolution of Medicine in Ancient India: From Ayurveda to Surgery

Ancient India’s Practice of Medicine: Healing Wisdom Through the Ages